FOIA Files: How Feds, Press, and Academia "Coordinate" on Speech

Digital content moderation was closer relationship than we've been led to expect.

Day of Deceit: The Tru... Robert B. Stinnett Best Price: $1.21 Buy New $12.99 (as of 03:40 UTC - Details) In March 2023, the University of Washington’s Center for an Informed Public (CIP) put out an article asserting that the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP) — comprised of the CIP, the Stanford Internet Observatory (SIO), Graphika, and the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) — was not a “government cut-out” controlled by the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA).

Racket has sent out numerous Freedom of Information (FOIA) requests about the Election Integrity Partnership. Recently, we received several new batches of results from the University of Washington that cast doubt on their earlier assertions. These disclosures, which have been added to the Racket FOIA Library, hint at a dynamic perhaps more intimate than reported. This is the first of a series of disclosures we’ll be publishing this week.

On March 4, 2021, Shira Ovide of The New York Times emailed the EIP to ask what government officials and social media platforms did to “stop disinformation from having a material effect on the [2020] election.”

The Self-Sufficient Li... Seymour, John Best Price: $29.42 Buy New $24.82 (as of 04:02 UTC - Details) The response came from Matthew Masterson, at the time a non-resident policy fellow at the Stanford Internet Observatory. Masterson then only just finished working as a senior cybersecurity advisor at CISA, a position he held from March 2018 to December 2020. He stayed at CISA through the 2020 election, then moved to Stanford just in time to receive Ovide’s inquiry as a private citizen. His response is humorous in its frankness (emphasis ours):

Happy to talk regarding the work we (the feds) did in coordination with social media companies to anticipate and respond to efforts to undermine the election.

Masterson’s choice of verb is interesting. For years, “anti-disinformation” activists have insisted that state actors merely contacted social media companies with helpful tips regarding troublesome accounts. Masterson’s response suggests CISA was in close contact with platforms like Twitter throughout the 2020 election cycle, though Ovide wasn’t told how close. (See the accompanying article by Matt Taibbi to learn more.) He’s explicit in his characterization of the EIP-CISA dynamic as a coordinated effort.

When reached for comment, Ovide directed Racket to an article she published shortly after her conversation with Masterson. The former DHS official told Ovide that “coordination was the biggest change that helped shore up digital defenses in [2020] election management systems.” At the time, Masterson said, “This is as good [sic] as the federal government has worked on any issue in my experience.” The piece doesn’t mention the EIP, but it still captures the degree to which federal law enforcement agencies like CISA were in contact with 2020 election officials.

You’ll find more evidence of the tight-knit relationship between CISA and the EIP in their communications the following year. On March 14, 2022, Nicky Vogt, the senior advisor for public affairs at CISA, reached out to the EIP in order to coordinate their messaging efforts on MisinfoDay. (MisinfoDay, for those unfamiliar, is an annual celebration intended to help students, educators, and librarians “learn how to navigate complex information environments and make informed decisions about what to believe online.”)

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