Trump = Hitler. The evidence is overwhelming.
Trump is of German descent on his father’s side. This makes Trump suspect because Hitler was also German. The last U.S. president with a German-American father was Dwight Eisenhower, who served as Supreme Commander of the Nazi Forces in Europe. General Eisenhower somehow managed to overcome this political liability to be elected president less than a decade later but he retained pro-Berlin sympathies throughout his time in office. According to one blogger, Hitler remained Eisenhower’s preeminent inspiration. Is this the chance we want to take with another German in the White House?
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Trump’s admiration for Nazi Germany is one reason he has almost no support from U.S. military veterans. We could not expect patriotic vets to support such a man, especially older ones, who remember World War II first- or second-hand.
Last month, Trump retweeted a quote incorrectly attributed to Mussolini by an anti-Trump activist who was hoping to trick Trump into retweeting. What other proof do we need regarding Trump’s fascism? Yet there is more. Intellectuals schooled in postmodern textual analysis understand that campaign references to “#TrumpTrain” are code language paying tribute to the Nazi trains that transported millions to death camps in the 1940s. This alone should disqualify Trump from high office yet his supporters turn a blind eye to the outrage.
The same accusations of fascism were made against Barry Goldwater in 1964. We know how that turned out. Although he was crushed in the national election by the virtuous Lyndon Johnson, Goldwater went on to lead a well-armed mob of fanatics in his attempt to overthrow the new government two years later, with thousands dying as a result.
Trump’s own violent, anti-constitutional tendencies are plain to see from his leadership of the Beer Hall Putsch of 2006. When the coup d’état in Florida failed, Trump spent one year in prison, during which time he wrote his infamous book, Crippled America, which argues that people with disabilities must be euthanized. Trump’s plotting for power continued upon his return to the Mar-a-Lago compound.
Like all authoritarian types, Trump is a bully. Trump has most terrorized the most defenseless victims—Jeb Bush, Karl Rove, Roger Ailes, Mitt Romney, insurance companies, and super PACs being among the targets he has so cruelly attacked. Trump’s victims do not retaliate. Partly because the power differential is so great that they are unable to protect themselves, let alone injure Trump, and partly because they yearn to retain the high ground of morality and ethics. Instead, his victims turn the other cheek, sometimes begging for mercy but always showing incredible respect for Trump and his supporters.
Trump has built his career on aggression—using violence instead of litigation, fanaticism instead of negotiation. As one might expect from a dangerous demagogue, Trump is poorly educated, having spent time at Fordham and Wharton, and his world view is provincial because he has rarely traveled beyond Queens borough in the hamlet of New York. Trump is motivated by envy of the wealthy and wishes to make a name for himself. Psychologists tell us that Trump is a small man who seeks to make himself great, a figure of insignificance who thirsts for national recognition. Lacking the humility and piety of public servants in Georgetown, Manhattan, and Hollywood, Trump seeks to slander those who are good in a way he can never be. It would be sad if it were not so unjust.
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Trump supports political correctness because it is a manifestation of Orwellian doublethink. Thought-and-expression control for ideological purposes is one way in which Trump reveals himself to be doctrinaire and a lover of totalitarianism.
At Trump rallies—obviously patterned after the Nuremberg Rallies—protesters wield signs that say “Love Trumps Hate.” They do so as they hate Trump and despise those who like him. Trump’s campaign is fueled by anger and fear while his political enemies exhibit love and good cheer. There is no anger or fear toward the Trump movement among the Republican establishment or their counterparts in the Democratic Party.
Trump has recently asked crowds at rallies to give the Nazi salute. Trump uses aides dressed in brown shirts to rough up dissenters and he encourages the crowd, through the P.A. system prior to the start of his rallies, to “Physically hurt protesters.” Trump brings copies of The Protocols of Zion to hold up at rallies and brings his membership certificate in the Ku Klux Klan to prove his racist bona fides. Trump’s famous book The Art of the Deal refers to Jews as vermin and says they ought to be eliminated. Trump is known for having built a global network of luxury death camps which will be used to “deal with” the Jews. The magnitude of neo-Nazi connections possessed by Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and attorney Michael Cohen can only be imagined.
Trump has injected racism and the KKK into political discourse this election season by having Jake Tapper and other Trump supporters in the mainstream media helpfully publicize the thoughts of David Duke, a figure who has long been irrelevant and was obscure until a few weeks ago. Corporate journalists have elevated Duke’s profile and given weight to his words but Trump deserves the most blame as the puppet-master of these journalists. After David Duke gave up his own presidential aspirations, he joined Trump on the campaign trail—introducing and then standing awkwardly behind Trump during his Super Tuesday press conference.
Trump has advocated the placing of Hispanic Americans into concentration camps. Trump has said that illegal immigrants should all be put to death, including women and children. Trump has said that African Americans are sub-human and worthy of death, which is why his campaign spokeswomen include Katrina Pierson, Omarosa, and Diamond & Silk. Trump’s animus toward immigrants can be seen in the fact that his wife Melania is an immigrant, his mother was an immigrant, and his paternal grandparents were immigrants. Clearly Trump knows nothing of the value of immigration to American society.
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The United States of 2016 is exactly like the Weimar Republic of 1933 so conditions are ripe for creation of a personal dictatorship and totalitarian state. We would not be so fearful if our nation had a record of two centuries of peaceful transfer of republican power but since we do not, we must live in fear of a possible Fourth Reich under Trump.
Even though the plutocratic press fawns over Trump, he bristles at even the slightest criticism. As president, Trump would try to destroy freedom of the press by asking Congress to tweak federal court interpretations of libel laws. This would be the death knell of liberty for all of us. No one should have legal recourse in the face of dishonest journalism.
Trump’s campaign speeches are laced with calls for citizens to become subjects of the state, as he praises dependency on government. Like Hitler’s National Socialist party, Trump is a socialist. Trump advocates stamping out lower levels of governance and centralizing all power in the national government. The absence of a federal tradition and separation of powers at the national level will make this centralizing easy for President Trump to do. Our nation’s tradition of monarchy and paucity of personal firearm ownership will also facilitate his establishment of a dictatorship in DC. A compliant media, which is almost entirely pro-Trump, will remove the last possible obstacle to total power in his small-but-dangerous hands.
As a fascist, Trump does not believe in the rule of law. For example, he favors enforcement of federal immigration laws. Humanitarian groups such as the Business Roundtable and U.S. Chamber of Commerce remind us that any attempt to slow the proliferation of exploited low-wage labor in our country is morally repugnant and not who we are as a profit-loving people.
Trump is greatly influenced by Hegelian philosophy and enjoys playing Wagner music before his rallies begin (including the song “Tiny Dancer”). Trump’s slogan is “All Power to the Leader.” Trump talks about his admiration for World War II generals, including Rommel and Göring. Trump praises existing strict gun control laws and advocates confiscation of guns from all “unreliable” persons, based on an ethnic test. Trump has called for a temporary suspension of Muslim immigration to the U.S., which would violate both Article IX of the U.S. Constitution and the God-given right of every person in every land to live in the United States.
Trump is eager to invade Mexico and Canada. He aspires to set up puppet regimes in what he calls “Greater America” (an imperialistic notion that is advertised on his famous red caps). Trump loves war, which is why he has so strongly defended the Iraq War and U.S. military intervention in Syria during GOP debates. It is also why Trump so frequently rattles the saber at Putin, hinting that he will start World War III against Russia if elected. These positions explain why the hawkish neoconservatives in the Republican Party love Trump. They know that Trump will emulate the foreign policy of George W. Bush. Bill Kristol, Max Boot, Dick Cheney, Lindsey Graham, and John McCain have all endorsed Trump’s candidacy for this reason.
The banking and corporate elite—Wall Street and the big industrialists—are overwhelmingly supportive of Trump because they know he favors the kind of crony capitalism (fascism) that showers government largesse on their businesses. This is why the donor class is running millions of dollars’ worth of television ads promoting Trump in primary states and why the Wall Street Journal editorial page showers Trump with praise.
Trump follows Nietzsche in openly mocking the weakness of Christianity, preferring a pagan religion instead. Rather than traditional Christmas symbols, Trump plans to substitute the swastika once he is in the White House because of the Jewish origins of the Nativity story. Trump tells voters that if he becomes president, store employees in December will be encouraged to say “Merry Aryan Race.”
Postscript:
This is a satire on anti-Trump hysteria. You do not have to like Donald Trump to see the problem with dishonesty and hypocrisy. Serious-minded people understand that glib comparisons to Adolf Hitler are contemptible because they trivialize his regime and the oppression, war, and holocaust it created. Practitioners of such comparison and trivialization discredit themselves. The merits and faults of Trump stand apart from juvenile emotion and repellent silliness.
