Guantanamo Bay: The Model for an American Police State?
by John W. Whitehead
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The
means of defense against foreign danger historically have become
the instruments of tyranny at home. ~ James Madison
For most Americans,
the detention center at Guantanamo Bay once the topic of heated
political debate by presidential hopeful Barack Obama but rarely
talked about by the incumbent President Obama has become a
footnote in the governments ongoing war on terror.
Yet for the
approximately 167 detainees still being held in that godforsaken
gulag, 86 of whom have been cleared for release yet continue to
be imprisoned at the facility, Guantanamo Bay is a lesson in injustice,
American-style. It is everything that those who founded America
vigorously opposed: kidnapping, torture, dehumanizing treatment,
indefinite detention, being disappeared with no access
to family or friends, and little hope of help from the courts.
For Adnan Latif a
30-something-year-old Yemeni native detained at Guantanamo for ten
years without a trial, despite a court ruling ordering his release
and repeated military clearances ordering his transfer his
cell became his tomb. Latif, who had repeatedly engaged in hunger
strikes and suicide attempts while proclaiming his innocence, was
found dead in his cell in Guantanamo Bay mere days before the 11th
anniversary of 9/11.
If Guantanamo
is the symbol of American injustice, Latifs death is the realization
of that injustice, the proclamation of how far we have strayed from
the original vision of America as a shining city on a hill, a beacon
of freedom and hope for the world. Ten years after opening for business,
Guantanamo Bay stands as a manifestation of Americas failure
to abide by the rule of law and its founding principles in the post-9/11
era. As Baher Azmy notes in the New York Times, its defining features
have been the denial of judicial oversight and its exclusion of
lawyers. Making matters worse, far from closing the prison
camp as he promised, President Obama is steadily returning Guantanamo
to the secretive and hopeless internment camp that he vilified as
a candidate.
Examples of
torture in Guantanamo and other American black site prisons are
widely known, including waterboarding, beatings, and sensory deprivation.
What is less widely known is that most of those forcibly arrested
and tortured in Guantanamo have had nothing to do with terrorist
activities. Most prisoners in Gitmo, including Murat Kurnaz, a detainee
for five years, were not captured on the battlefield,
but rather kidnapped and sold to the American government by local
tribesmen. Kurnaz fetched $3,000 as a result of American fliers
distributed across Afghanistan promising poor Afghans enough
money to take care of your family, your village, your tribe for
the rest of your life in return for prisoners. Kurnaz, who
was punched in the gut, dunked under water, and hung from ceiling
chains during his imprisonment, was eventually sent back to his
native Germany on a C-17 military flight which cost American taxpayers
over $1 million.
Lakhdar Boumediene
was arrested in late 2001 while working as the director of a humanitarian
aid clinic helping the victims of the Balkan conflicts. Despite
having no evidence that he was tied to any terrorist activity, he
was arrested and shipped to Guantanamo Bay and kept there without
charge for seven years. Boumediene eventually challenged
his detention. In 2008, the US Supreme Court ruled in Boumediene
v. Bush that Guantanamo prisoners are guaranteed a meaningful
opportunity to challenge their continued imprisonment.
Despite this
ruling, indefinite detention is still the norm at Guantanamo. The
Obama Administration shares the blame for this state of affairs.
Having once promised to abolish Guantanamo, the president has now
urged the U.S. Supreme Court to avoid reviewing Guantanamo detainees
appeals. Incredibly, the Supreme Court has abided by this request,
refusing to hear the appeals of any prisoners. As journalist Adam
Serwer wrote for Mother Jones, Gitmo detainees have
now lost virtually every avenue other than dying in detention
for leaving the detention camp.
What is the
legacy of Guantanamo Bay? 171 men continue to languish there. The
Bush torture program has been legitimized by the Obama administration,
and indefinite detention has been codified as law. Guantanamo bleeds
our coffers, costing $800,000 a year per detainee. And with a government
that possesses the awesome power to indefinitely detain whomever
it pleases, we are much, much less safe than we were 11 years ago.
Despite these
obvious warning signs of a coming authoritarian state, a CNN poll
from 2010 indicates that 60 percent of Americans would like Guantanamo
to remain open. Yet what most Americans fail to realize, however,
is that Guantanamo Bay is no different from every other aspect of
Americas military empire, whether it be weaponry or military
strategy, which has been tested against so-called insurgents
abroad only to be brought home and used against American citizens.
Such was the
case with so-called non-lethal weapons of compliance tear
gas, tasers, sound cannons and barf beamers all of which were
first used on the battlefield before being deployed against civilians
at home. Similarly, drones unmanned aerial vehicles were
used exclusively by the military to carry out aerial surveillance
and attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan only now to be authorized by
Congress and President Obama for widespread use in American airspace.
The enactment
of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) in January 2012,
which allows the military to arrest and indefinitely detain anyone,
including American citizens, only codifies this unraveling of our
constitutional framework. Throw in the profit-driven corporate incentive
to jail Americans in private prisons, and you have a 10-step blueprint
for how to transform a republic into a police state without the
populace cluing in until its too late.
September
25, 2012
Constitutional
attorney and author John W. Whitehead [send
him mail] is founder and president of The
Rutherford Institute. He is the author of The
Change Manifesto (Sourcebooks).
Copyright
© 2012 The Rutherford Institute
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