Essentials of Panarchism
by
Michael S. Rozeff
by Michael S. Rozeff
Panarchism
is a new political philosophy that builds upon and extends the core
concept of consent of the governed, which goes back primarily to
John Locke. Consent of the governed is a concept that permeated
revolutionary America. It appears in Article 6 of the Virginia
Bill of Rights. It appears in the Essex
Result. Benjamin Franklin wrote "In free governments the
rulers are the servants and the people their superiors and sovereigns."
The Declaration of Independence asserts that "Governments are
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent
of the governed."
Panarchism
proposes a comprehensive extension of liberty to the consensual
choice of government itself, in form and content. It proposes government
by consent for any persons who arrange such government for themselves.
Conversely, it proposes that a government has no authority over
any persons who do not consent to it.
Panarchy is
a condition of human relations in which each person is at liberty
to choose his own social and political governance without being
coerced. Panarchy means that persons may enter into and exit from
social and political relations freely. It means that government
exists only with the consent and by the consent of the governed.
Panarchism
has new conceptions of what a people who are governed, a government,
and consent mean. These give rise to a new conception of the nonterritorial
State and revised ideas about sovereignty and authority. By viewing
government as nonterritorial, panarchism reorients the movement
for liberty away from destroying the governments that others
may prefer and toward obtaining the governments that each of
us may prefer.
Free persons
in a free society already practice a degree of panarchy. By individual
consent, they associate with those whom they wish to associate with
(and who wish to associate with them), and they do not associate
with others. By choice, they vary their associations by time, place,
duration, and other dimensions. They choose companions, places to
live, workplaces, clubs, and churches on the basis of individual
consent rendered in a noncoercive social context. Free persons form
consensual organizations, associations, and groups. They form themselves
into sub-societies and "peoples," which are groups of
persons that, via individual consent, willingly aggregate on various
grounds and interests. In doing so, they create multiple coexisting
forms of governance whose basis is not territorial (although it
may optionally be so) but relational.
Panarchism
proposes that panarchy be extended to government (or functions of
government) in the same way that it is already present in society.
Let persons be free to form peoples and to choose their own forms
of government.
Why? Because
consent today is too limited to allow a meaningful sovereignty of
people. Because the rulers have become the sovereign and the people
their servants. Because complex systems of voting and parties have
diluted consent to the vanishing point. Because would-be peoples
are thwarted from forming. Liberty does not mean a vote for one
of two parties that runs a single monopoly government. It means
active consent over the very form, as well as the content, of one’s
governing relations.
Why panarchism?
Because in today’s governing relations, we find ourselves living
under distant States and governments whose form is not of our choosing.
Because the planet is blanketed with States and governments that
too often deliver injustice, insecurity, disorder, waste, misery,
death, and destruction, as States and governments historically have
done. Because States and governments focus and amplify power, using
it for purposes that many of us do not believe in. And because governments
today legitimate and encourage contentious struggles for domination
where one group’s gains is another group’s loss, and where the struggles
absorb more and more resources and divert energy from productive
to unproductive uses.
The liberty
that is basic to panarchy promises a better way of life, by extending
to each of us the capacity to engage in the social and political
relations of our own choosing in accord with our own beliefs. Since
persons will not freely consent to governments whose decisions in
the main leave them, by their own estimation, worse off, the free
choice of government will provide the kind of check-and-balance
on government failures and misdeeds that is a critical missing element
of today’s political arrangements.
Panarchy envisages
many possible societies and sub-societies across a land, region,
or province. There need not be a single sovereign authority that
imposes law on all, unless it happens to be by consent. In panarchy,
multiple and diverse sources of self-chosen sovereignty coexist
side-by-side, each finding its source of legitimacy from the consent
of those who are willing to place themselves within a particular
set of governing relations. People freely place themselves
within multiple non-territorial governing associations, as
contrasted with finding themselves assigned by authorities
on a geographical basis.
The American
revolutionaries blazed a trail toward nonterritorial government
when they called for consent of the governed, but they simultaneously
veered away from that trail. Just as they skirted the slavery question,
they skirted the issues of what constituted a people, a legitimate
government, consent, and secession. Article 14 of the Virginia Declaration
of Rights sought
"to maintain Virginia’s sovereignty over its restless, far-flung
western counties." It proclaimed
"That the people have a right to uniform government; and, therefore,
that no government separate from, or independent of the government
of Virginia, ought to be erected or established within the limits
thereof." This particular territorial idea of government was
justified by a false appeal to a mythical right to uniform government,
in order to prevent the formation of West Virginia. Some 85 years
later, West Virginia, which for decades had many sound reasons not
to be governed by Richmond, finally seceded from Virginia.
Little has
changed. Despite hundreds of breakaway and secession movements worldwide,
the territorial notion of government has not changed. Indeed, many
such movements themselves view government as territorial. American
federalism has become nationalism. Governments of today are making
societies over, based upon claims of legitimate authority that are
less rooted in consent than in territorial claims of rulership.
The idea of
government needs to be severed from the idea of the territorial
State and from the notion that the government of such a State is
all that government is or can be. Since the State is single, territorial,
and coercive, such an idea views government as single, territorial,
and coercive. The territorial idea supports States in place. It
empties consent of all real meaning and replaces it by the machinations
of meaningless votes, party politics, lobbying, redistricting, power,
and campaign money flows. The territorial idea of government without
consent dooms mankind to living without one of the most basic liberties,
which is the liberty to choose one’s government.
It is a mistake
to identify government as the executive and administrative means
of the monopoly State. When those who are pro-State do this, it
leaves little or no room for those who do not consent and wish to
live by their own forms of government. When those who are anti-State
do this, they become anti-government, a position that does not allow
those who want various forms of their own government to exercise
their choices.
Government
is the social coordination of human personal interactions. To the
extent that human beings interact with one another, government is
thus inescapable. Advocates of no government, unless they eschew
all social interaction, can no more live without government than
can statists. But the necessity of government does not imply that
government must be nonconsensual and territorial. We have an alternative
to living under a single territorial State that makes and enforces
all sorts of rules, for all of us, all the time. Panarchy is that
alternative.
We ourselves
govern a vast range of human activities by consent, nonterritorially,
and without the State. This was historically and is currently the
case. Persons within human societies create governance from varied
and multiple sources that include moral and ethical codes, custom,
bodies of judge-discovered law, rules, principles, manners, religion,
pacts, agreements, understandings, and contracts, as well as through
a variety of instruments, institutions, and organizations that include
family, associations, churches, schools, corporations, and business
firms. Society, in this sense, which is really many interpenetrating
and diverse societies, already reflects a high degree of panarchy.
Societies everywhere already employ panarchy as a beneficial principle
of social organization and order.
Panarchism
proposes extending panarchy further. It stands for a world in which
people live by the governing relations of their choice while abiding
by the decisions of their neighbors to live by theirs. A society
with such liberty will hold together in the same ways that societies
have always held together: through a complex network of shared values,
beliefs, ways, language, and other commonalities that are put to
work through self-interest that is expressed in individual, associational,
and cooperative endeavors. It will hold together better than today’s
societies because the nonconsensual government that fertilizes today’s
constant political and economic battles, rebellions, and civil wars
will have been reduced.
Different people
understand freedom and liberty in different ways, and even when
they agree, they place different values on liberty. One woman may
choose to labor for another for a wage, while another may regard
wage-labor as slavery. One man may allow himself to be inducted
into an army, while another may look upon the draft as slavery.
These different ideas of good and bad government can coexist in
panarchy. Liberty and government are not at mutually exclusive poles.
Abolishing government per se does not bring liberty for all. Abolishing
government and replacing it with one’s own personal vision of liberty
does not bring liberty for all. Liberty for all entails the capacity
for all to choose their own governments. In panarchy, men and women
are free to be unfree (in the eyes of others) to any desired degree.
They may enter into many different kinds of governing relations.
This sets panarchy apart from political conceptions that deny them
the choice of State and government. Panarchists do not attempt to
smash the governments others want. They deny no one the freedom
to be unfree. However, they deny others (and their States and governments)
the freedom to make them unfree.
Once we open
up our thinking on the question of what government is, we can get
away from the idea of "a government" and "the government."
Government is a set of functions that can be identified. Change
is not a question of today's government or none. There are all sorts
of intermediate possibilities.
National governments
have absorbed major functions such as old age security, aid to the
indigent, and health care from civil society and local government.
They have done so via complex majority rules and voting procedures
that circumvented consent of the governed. Governments across the
world often suppress minorities of many kinds. The imposition of
nation-wide rules discriminates against and suppresses all those
who do not consent and who do not want their government to handle
certain critical issues. Medicare, for example, involves a taking
and a wealth transfer. This kind of program could become nonterritorial
and consensual. Mr. K can subscribe to a plan and belong to a government
that deducts from his wages, while Mr. J need not. They can be neighbors
and do this.
Many
of today's government functions can remain in place for those who
want them while making them voluntary for those who do not. The
idea in these cases is not to end government but make it consensual.
Vast amounts of regulation of labor relations, energy, education,
health, and welfare are such that one neighbor can live without
certain rules even if his neighbor wants them. Instead of attempting
to take Medicare away or attempting to persuade voters to vote it
down, which plays the game of accepting monopoly and territorial
government, panarchism goes at the problem of lack of consent and
unjust powers of government in a different way. Let those who want
Medicare have it; let those who don't withdraw. Panarchism seizes
the moral high ground. Why should those who don't want Medicare
be impressed into it by those who do? Isn't this like making everyone
belong to the same church? How can there be consent of the governed
when we are herded, whether we like it or not, into programs that
affect our lives in major ways?
Coordination
problems involving human interaction are not going to disappear.
The reform of government even where coordination issues are not
at issue may well be difficult. Panarchism does not deny these difficulties.
It sets out a just and peaceful destination that can be achieved
peaceably, which is a future of reform in which the State abandons
its territorial claims. This may happen little by little. It may
happen by degrees. It may happen partially and gradually, or it
may happen by leaps. Consensual and nonconsensual government are
likely to continue to exist alongside one another for some time.
Reforms, small and large, are unpredictable. They are for people
themselves to advance and accomplish. Every step that people take,
peaceful and nonaggressive, toward devising and living by their
own government is a step toward more complete panarchy and greater
liberty.
The helpful
comments of Adam Knott and John Zube are gratefully acknowledged,
but all errors herein are solely mine.
June
1, 2009
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is a retired Professor of Finance living in East Amherst, New York.
Copyright
© 2009 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
Michael
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