What
Does ‘Class Action’ Mean?
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Recently
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.: Dr.
Paul's Case for Gold
The news of
the Supreme Court decision on Wal-Mart – declining to approve a massive
lawsuit against an amazing company – was reported as if it amounted
to some devastating blow to American life. Nonsense: the decision
actually permits normalcy in economic development to proceed without
a new round of destruction of wealth. Some lawyers might be sad,
but it is great for the rest of us.
The lawsuit
grouped the interests of 1.6 million women who had worked for 3,400
stores since 1998. One can only imagine the looting that would have
commenced had the decision gone the other way. It would have been
catastrophic. What the Supreme Court did was narrowly decline to
wreck even more American labor markets and the gears of free enterprise.
It is a small favor, but thank goodness for it.
The lawsuit
that was turned back was called a "class-action lawsuit."
The word "class" in the English lexicon is usually used
in two ways.
The first is
the popular sense that refers to social standing. A person can be
from the "working class." A person can be part of the
"middle class." In American society, there is by tradition
no such thing as an "upper class." There might be a "leisure
class" or an "upper middle class" or an "upper
crust" but no "upper class" – and that probably stems
from the charming myth that we abolished such a thing with the elimination
of Lords and Dukes.
A derivative
sense of the term class is more colloquial. We say that a person
"has class," which means that he or she acts and behaves
in ways that are generally higher on the social strata than the
norm. We might say something is "classy," meaning pretty,
beautiful, impressive, or suggestive of wealth and opulence.
This is not
the sense in which the term class is used for these lawsuits. The
second definition is the relevant one and it is mostly drawn from
academia and the Marxist tradition in particular. The Marxist theory
is that all of society is constantly seething in conflicting and
exploitative social relationships that pit group against group.
In Marx’s view,
the core economic conflict was labor versus capital. The idea is
that capitalists exploit the workers by sucking the surplus value
of production from them such that capital grows ever richer and
labor ever poorer. The guy built an entire system of thought based
on this idea and it has inspired revolutions around the world.
It’s all a
bit strange because it is so obviously untrue. If I hire you to
mow my grass, you are not being exploited. We are cooperating in
mutually beneficial exchange. No one has a gun to your head and
we both are free to negotiate the terms of the deal. You can work
for anyone who wants to hire you and I can hire anyone who is willing
to work for me. This is called peace and exchange; there is nothing
exploitative about it.
Marx was just
brewing buckets of envy in a time when people were confused about
the accumulation of capital and confused about demographic movements
and the like. His theory explained nothing and was based on nothing,
but somehow it stuck and it still festers, inspiring governments
and theorists around the world to try to reinvent Marxism.
One reinvention
of Marxist theory is the idea that the gains of whites come at the
expense of blacks, or that the gains of men come at the expense
of women, or that the gains of abled people come at the expense
of the disabled, or that the gains of people in general come at
the expense of the environment. They all assume that there is something
like a class of people whose interests and outlook are homogeneous
in every sense that matters.
This is obviously
not the case with the people who joined or who were joined without
their permission, in the usual way – the "class action lawsuit"
against Wal-Mart. First, there is no such thing as the interests
of women – or of men, or blacks, or disabled people or the environment.
Interests are always radically heterogeneous because the world is
filled with unique individuals with subjective perspectives, ideas,
and experiences.
Second, there
was no class "acting" in this case. It was a bunch of
lawyers using some former Wal-Mart employees – let’s just say that
these people were being exploited by attorneys – in the attempt
to pick the deepest pockets around. Had the lawsuit been won, the
women would have received settlements that would pay a day of parking
meter fees. The lawyers would have looted it all.
The American
legal system should never let such a ridiculous lawsuit make any
headway in the court system at all. If we had strict property rights,
freedom of association and exchange, and freedom of contract, there
would be no such thing as a class-action suit. If we had a real
free market, we would be spared that massive social waste that was
involved in this preposterous lawsuit.
But then what
about discrimination? It comes down to this. If Wal-Mart systematically
discriminated against women, there is a wonderful market opportunity
open for some other company to hire up all these millions of downtrodden
people and make a great killing in the market. It is for this reason
that irrational and invidious discrimination is not a feature of
the market economy.
There
is no such thing as class in a free market. Its members are fluid
and based on a huge range of economic conditions that are mostly
left to human choice. Class is fluid and non-conflicting. Peace
prevails.
As for the
Marxist idea of class, yes, its appearance can be created but only
by legislation and lawsuits that pit one group against another group.
It is wholly artificial and a good example of how the state creates
the very problem it purports to solve. The Supreme Court should
never be asked to decide this sort of matter, but its majority opinion
grants us a temporary reprieve from more looting of the capitalist
class (in the best sense of that term).
June
22, 2011
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail], former editorial assistant to Ludwig von Mises and congressional
chief of staff to Ron Paul, is founder and chairman of the Mises
Institute, executor for the estate of Murray N. Rothbard, and
editor of LewRockwell.com.
See his
books.
Copyright
© 2011 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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