The
Fascist Threat
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Recently
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.: The
Police State Abolishes the Trial
This
talk was delivered at the Doug Casey conference, "When Money
Dies," in Phoenix on October 1, 2011.
Everyone knows
that the term fascist is a pejorative, often used to describe any
political position a speaker doesn’t like. There isn’t anyone around
who is willing to stand up and say: "I’m a fascist; I think
fascism is a great social and economic system."
But I submit
that if they were honest, the vast majority of politicians, intellectuals,
and political activists would have to say just that.
Fascism is
the system of government that cartelizes the private sector, centrally
plans the economy to subsidize producers, exalts the police State
as the source of order, denies fundamental rights and liberties
to individuals, and makes the executive State the unlimited master
of society.
This describes
mainstream politics in America today. And not just in America. It’s
true in Europe, too. It is so much part of the mainstream that it
is hardly noticed any more.
It is true
that fascism has no overarching theoretical apparatus. There is
no grand theorist like Marx. That makes it no less real and distinct
as a social, economic, and political system. Fascism also thrives
as a distinct style of social and economic management. And
it is as much or more of a threat to civilization than full-blown
socialism.
This is because
its traits are so much a part of life and have been for so
long that they are nearly invisible to us.
If fascism
is invisible to us, it is truly the silent killer. It fastens a
huge, violent, lumbering State on the free market that drains its
capital and productivity like a deadly parasite on a host. This
is why the fascist State has been called The Vampire Economy. It
sucks the economic life out of a nation and brings about a slow
death of a once thriving economy.
Let me just
provide a recent example.
The
Decline
The papers
last week were filled with the first sets of data from the 2010
US Census. The headline story concerned the huge increase in the
poverty rate. It is the largest increase in 20 years, and now up
to 15%.
But most people
hear this and dismiss it, probably for good reason. The poor in
this country are not poor by any historical standard. They have
cell phones, cable TV, cars, lots of food, and plenty of disposable
income. What’s more, there is no such thing as a fixed class called
the poor. People come and go, depending on age and life circumstances.
Plus, in American politics, when you hear kvetching about the poor,
everyone knows what you’re supposed to do: hand the government your
wallet.
Buried in the
report is another fact that has much more profound significance.
It concerns median household income in real terms.
What the data
have revealed is devastating. Since 1999, median household income
has fallen 7.1 percent. Since 1989, median family income is largely
flat. And since 1973 and the end of the gold standard, it has hardly
risen at all. The great wealth generating machine that was once
America is failing.
No longer can
one generation expect to live a better life than the previous one.
The fascist economic model has killed what was once called the American
dream. And the truth is, of course, even worse than the statistic
reveals. You have to consider how many incomes exist within a single
household to make up the total income. After World War II, the single-income
family became the norm. Then the money was destroyed and American
savings were wiped out and the capital base of the economy was devastated.
It was at this
point that households began to struggle to stay above water. The
year 1985 was the turning point. This was the year that it became
more common than not for a household to have two incomes rather
than one. Mothers entered the workforce to keep family income floating.
The intellectuals
cheered this trend, as if it represented liberation, shouting hosannas
that all women everywhere are now added to the tax rolls as valuable
contributors to the State’s coffers. The real cause is the rise
of fiat money that depreciated the currency, robbed savings, and
shoved people into the workforce as taxpayers.
This story
is not told in the data alone. You have to look at the demographics
to discover it.
This huge demographic
shift essentially bought the American household another 20 years
of seeming prosperity, though it is hard to call it that since there
was no longer any choice about the matter. If you wanted to keep
living the dream, the household could no longer get by on a single
income.
But this huge
shift was merely an escape hatch. It bought 20 years of slight increases
before the income trend flattened again. Over the last decade we
are back to falling. Today median family income is only slightly
above where it was when Nixon wrecked the dollar, put on price and
wage controls, created the EPA, and the whole apparatus of the parasitic
welfare-warfare State came to be entrenched and made universal.
Yes, this is
fascism, and we are paying the price. The dream is being destroyed.
The talk in
Washington about reform, whether from Democrats or Republicans,
is like a bad joke. They talk of small changes, small cuts, commissions
they will establish, curbs they will make in ten years. It is all
white noise. None of this will fix the problem. Not even close.
The problem
is more fundamental. It is the quality of the money. It is the very
existence of 10,000 regulatory agencies. It is the whole assumption
that you have to pay the State for the privilege to work. It is
the presumption that the government must manage every aspect of
the capitalist economic order. In short, it is the total State that
is the problem, and the suffering and decline will continue so long
as the total State exists.
The
Origins of Fascism
To be sure,
the last time people worried about fascism was during the Second
World War. We were said to be fighting this evil system abroad.
The US defeated fascist governments but the philosophy of governance
that it represents was not defeated. Very quickly following that
war, another one began. This was the Cold War that pitted capitalism
against communism. Socialism in this case was considered to be a
soft form of communism, tolerable and even praiseworthy insofar
as it was linked with democracy, which is the system that legalizes
and legitimizes an ongoing pillaging of the population.
In the meantime,
almost everyone has forgotten that there are many other colors of
socialism, not all of them obviously left wing. Fascism is one of
these colors.
There can be
no question of its origins. It is tied up with the history of post-World
War I Italian politics. In 1922, Benito Mussolini won a democratic
election and established fascism as his philosophy. Mussolini had
been a member of the socialist party.
All the biggest
and most important players within the fascist movement came from
the socialists. It was a threat to the socialists because it was
the most appealing political vehicle for the real-world application
of the socialist impulse. Socialists crossed over to join the fascists
en masse.
This is also
why Mussolini himself enjoyed such good press for more than ten
years after his rule began. He was celebrated by the New York
Times in article after article. He was heralded in scholarly
collections as an exemplar of the type of leader we need in an age
of the planned society. Puff pieces on this blowhard were very common
in US journalism all through the late 1920s and the mid-1930s.
Remember that
in this same period, the American left went through a huge shift.
In the teens and 1920s, the American left had a very praiseworthy
anti-corporatist impulse. The left generally opposed war, the state-run
penal system, alcohol prohibition, and all violations of civil liberties.
It was no friend of capitalism but neither was it a friend of the
corporate State of the sort that FDR forged during the New Deal.
In 1933 and
1934, the American left had to make a choice. Would they embrace
the corporatism and regimentation of the New Deal or take a principled
stand on their old liberal values? In other words, would they accept
fascism as a halfway house to their socialist utopia? A gigantic
battle ensued in this period, and there was a clear winner. The
New Deal made an offer the left could not refuse. And it was a small
step to go from the embrace of the fascistic planned economy to
the celebration of the warfare State that concluded the New Deal
period.
This was merely
a repeat of the same course of events in Italy a decade earlier.
In Italy too, the left realized that their anti-capitalistic agenda
could best be achieved within the framework of the authoritarian,
planning State. Of course our friend John Maynard Keynes played
a critical role in providing a pseudo-scientific rationale for joining
opposition to old-world laissez faire to a new appreciation of the
planned society. Recall that Keynes was not a socialist of the old
school. As he himself said in his introduction to the Nazi edition
of his General
Theory, national socialism was far more hospitable to his
ideas than a market economy.
Flynn
Tells the Truth
The most definitive
study on fascism written in these years was As
We Go Marching by John T. Flynn. Flynn was a journalist
and scholar of a liberal spirit who had written a number of best-selling
books in the 1920s. He could probably be put in the progressive
camp in the 1920s. It was the New Deal that changed him. His colleagues
all followed FDR into fascism, while Flynn himself kept the old
faith. That meant that he fought FDR every step of the way, and
not only his domestic plans. Flynn was a leader of the America First
movement that saw FDR’s drive to war as nothing but an extension
of the New Deal, which it certainly was.
But because
Flynn was part of what Murray Rothbard later dubbed the Old Right
– Flynn came to oppose both the welfare State and the warfare State
– his name went down the Orwellian memory hole after the war, during
the heyday of CIA conservatism.
As We Go
Marching came out in 1944, just at the tail end of the war,
and right in the midst of wartime economic controls the world over.
It is a wonder that it ever got past the censors. It is a full-scale
study of fascist theory and practice, and Flynn saw precisely where
fascism ends: in militarism and war as the fulfillment of the stimulus-spending
agenda. When you run out of everything else to spend money on, you
can always depend on nationalist fervor to back more military spending.
In reviewing
the history of the rise of fascism, Flynn wrote:
"One of the
most baffling phenomena of fascism is the almost incredible collaboration
between men of the extreme Right and the extreme Left in its creation.
The explanation lies at this point. Both Right and Left joined
in this urge for regulation. The motives, the arguments, and the
forms of expression were different but all drove in the same direction.
And this was that the economic system must be controlled in its
essential functions and this control must be exercised by the
producing groups."
Flynn writes
that the right and the left disagreed on precisely who fits the
bill as the producer group. The left tends to celebrate laborers
as producers. The right tends to favor business owners as producers.
The political compromise – and it still goes on today was to cartelize
both.
Government
under fascism becomes the cartelization device for both workers
and the private owners of capital. Competition between workers and
between businesses is regarded as wasteful and pointless; the political
elites decide that the members of these groups need to get together
and cooperate under government supervision to build a mighty nation.
The fascists
have always been obsessed with the idea of national greatness. To
them, this does not consist in a nation of people who are growing
more prosperous, living ever better and longer lives. No, national
greatness occurs when the State embarks on building huge monuments,
undertaking nationwide transportation systems, carving Mount Rushmore,
or digging the Panama Canal.
In other words,
national greatness is not the same thing as your greatness or your
family’s greatness or your company’s or profession’s greatness.
On the contrary. You have to be taxed, your money’s value has to
be depreciated, your privacy invaded, and your well being diminished
in order to achieve it. In this view, the government has to make
us great.
Tragically,
such a program has a far greater chance of political success than
old-fashioned socialism. Fascism doesn’t nationalize private property
as socialism does. That means that the economy doesn’t collapse
right away. Nor does fascism push to equalize incomes. There is
no talk of the abolition of marriage or the nationalization of children.
Religion is
not abolished but used as a tool of political manipulation. The
fascist State was far more politically astute in this respect than
communism. It wove together religion and statism into one package,
encouraging a worship of God provided that the State operates as
the intermediary.
Under fascism,
society as we know it is left intact, though everything is lorded
over by a mighty State apparatus. Whereas traditional socialist
teaching fostered a globalist perspective, fascism was explicitly
nationalist. It embraced and exalted the idea of the nation-state.
As for the
bourgeoisie, fascism doesn’t seek their expropriation. Instead,
the middle class gets what it wants in the form of social insurance,
medical benefits, and heavy doses of national pride.
It is for all
these reasons that fascism takes on a right-wing cast. It doesn’t
attack fundamental bourgeois values. It draws on them to garner
support for a democratically backed all-round national regimentation
of economic control, censorship, cartelization, political intolerance,
geographic expansion, executive control, the police State, and militarism.
For my part,
I have no problem referring to the fascist program as a right-wing
theory, even if it does fulfill aspects of the left-wing dream.
The crucial matter here concerns its appeal to the public and to
the demographic groups that are normally drawn to right-wing politics.
If you think
about it, right-wing statism is of a different color, cast, and
tone from left-wing statism. Each is designed to appeal to a different
set of voters with different interests and values.
These divisions,
however, are not strict, and we’ve already seen how a left-wing
socialist program can adapt itself and become a right-wing fascist
program with very little substantive change other than its marketing
program.
The
Eight Marks of Fascist Policy
John T. Flynn,
like other members of the Old Right, was disgusted by the irony
that what he saw, most everyone else chose to ignore. In the fight
against authoritarian regimes abroad, he noted, the US had adopted
those forms of government at home, complete with price controls,
rationing, censorship, executive dictatorship, and even concentration
camps for whole groups considered to be unreliable in their loyalties
to the State.
After reviewing
this long history, Flynn proceeds to sum up with a list of eight
points he considers to be the main marks of the fascist State.
As I present
them, I will also offer comments on the modern American central
State.
Point
1. The government is totalitarian because it acknowledges no restraint
upon its powers.
This is a very
telling mark. It suggests that the US political system can be described
as totalitarian. This is a shocking remark that most people would
reject. But they can reject this characterization so long as they
happen not to be directly ensnared in the State’s web. If they become
so, they will quickly discover that there are indeed no limits to
what the State can do. This can happen boarding a flight, driving
around in your home town, or having your business run afoul of some
government agency. In the end, you must obey or be caged like an
animal or killed. In this way, no matter how much you may believe
that you are free, all of us today are but one step away from Guantanamo.
As recently
as the 1990s, I can recall that there were moments when Clinton
seemed to suggest that there were some things that his administration
could not do. Today I’m not so sure that I can recall any government
official pleading the constraints of law or the constraints of reality
to what can and cannot be done. No aspect of life is untouched by
government intervention, and often it takes forms we do not readily
see. All of health care is regulated, but so is every bit of our
food, transportation, clothing, household products, and even private
relationships.
Mussolini himself
put his principle this way: "All within the State, nothing
outside the State, nothing against the State." He also said:
"The keystone of the Fascist doctrine is its conception of
the State, of its essence, its functions, and its aims. For Fascism
the State is absolute, individuals and groups relative."
I submit to
you that this is the prevailing ideology in the United States today.
This nation conceived in liberty has been kidnapped by the fascist
State.
Point
2. Government is a de facto dictatorship based on the leadership
principle.
I wouldn’t
say that we truly have a dictatorship of one man in this country,
but we do have a form of dictatorship of one sector of government
over the entire country. The executive branch has spread so dramatically
over the last century that it has become a joke to speak of checks
and balances. What the kids learn in civics class has nothing to
do with reality.
The executive
State is the State as we know it, all flowing from the White House
down. The role of the courts is to enforce the will of the executive.
The role of the legislature is to ratify the policy of the executive.
Further, this
executive is not really about the person who seems to be in charge.
The president is only the veneer, and the elections are only the
tribal rituals we undergo to confer some legitimacy on the institution.
In reality, the nation State lives and thrives outside any "democratic
mandate." Here we find the power to regulate all aspects of
life and the wicked power to create the money necessary to fund
this executive rule.
As for the
leadership principle, there is no greater lie in American public
life than the propaganda we hear every four years about how the
new president/messiah is going to usher in the great dispensation
of peace, equality, liberty, and global human happiness. The idea
here is that the whole of society is really shaped and controlled
by a single will a point that requires a leap of faith so vast
that you have to disregard everything you know about reality to
believe it.
And yet people
do. The hope for a messiah reached a fevered pitch with Obama’s
election. The civic religion was in full-scale worship mode – of
the greatest human who ever lived or ever shall live. It was a despicable
display.
Another lie
that the American people believe is that presidential elections
bring about regime change. This is sheer nonsense. The Obama State
is the Bush State; the Bush State was the Clinton State; the Clinton
State was the Bush State; the Bush State was the Reagan State. We
can trace this back and back in time and see overlapping appointments,
bureaucrats, technicians, diplomats, Fed officials, financial elites,
and so on. Rotation in office occurs not because of elections but
because of mortality.
Point
3. Government administers a capitalist system with an immense bureaucracy.
The reality
of bureaucratic administration has been with us at least since the
New Deal, which was modeled on the planning bureaucracy that lived
in World War I. The planned economy – whether in Mussolini’s time
or ours – requires bureaucracy. Bureaucracy is the heart, lungs,
and veins of the planning State. And yet to regulate an economy
as thoroughly as this one is today is to kill prosperity with a
billion tiny cuts.
This doesn’t
necessarily mean economic contraction, at least right away. But
it definitely means killing off growth that would have otherwise
occurred in a free market.
So where is
our growth? Where is the peace dividend that was supposed to come
after the end of the Cold War? Where are the fruits of the amazing
gains in efficiency that technology has afforded? It has been eaten
by the bureaucracy that manages our every move on this earth. The
voracious and insatiable monster here is called the Federal Code
that calls on thousands of agencies to exercise the police power
to prevent us from living free lives.
It is as Basiat
said: The real cost of the State is the prosperity we do not see,
the jobs that don’t exist, the technologies to which we do not have
access, the businesses that do not come into existence, and the
bright future that is stolen from us. The State has looted us just
as surely as a robber who enters our home at night and steals all
that we love.
Point
4. Producers are organized into cartels in the way of syndicalism.
Syndicalist
is not usually how we think of how our current economic structure.
But remember that syndicalism means economic control by the producers.
Capitalism is different. It places by virtue of market structures
all control in the hands of the consumers. The only question for
syndicalists, then, is which producers are going to enjoy political
privilege. It might be the workers but it can also be the largest
corporations.
In the case
of the US, in the last three years, we’ve seen giant banks, pharmaceutical
firms, insurers, car companies, Wall Street banks and brokerage
houses, and quasi-private mortgage companies enjoying vast privileges
at our expense. They have all joined with the State in living a
parasitical existence at our expense.
This is also
an expression of the syndicalist idea, and it has cost the US economy
untold trillions and sustained an economic depression by preventing
the post-boom adjustment that markets would otherwise dictate. The
government has tightened its syndicalist grip in the name of stimulus.
Point
5. Economic planning is based on the principle of autarky.
Autarky is
the name given to the idea of economic self-sufficiency. Mostly
this refers to the economic self-determination of the nation-state.
The nation-state must be geographically huge in order to support
rapid economic growth for a large and growing population.
This was and
is the basis for fascist expansionism. Without expansion, the State
dies. This is also the idea behind the strange combination of protectionist
pressure today combined with militarism. It is driven in part by
the need to control resources.
Look at the
wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya. We would be supremely naive
to believe that these wars were not motivated in part by the producer
interests of the oil industry. It is true of the American empire
generally, which supports dollar hegemony.
It is the reason
for the planned North American Union.
The goal is
national self-sufficiency rather than a world of peaceful trade.
Consider, too, the protectionist impulses of the Republican ticket.
There is not one single Republican, apart from Ron Paul, who authentically
supports free trade in the classical definition.
From ancient
Rome to modern-day America, imperialism is a form of statism that
the bourgeoisie love. It is for this reason that Bush’s post-09/11
push for the global empire has been sold as patriotism and love
of country rather than for what it is: a looting of liberty and
property to benefit the political elites.
6.
Government sustains economic life through spending and borrowing.
This point
requires no elaboration because it is no longer hidden. There was
stimulus 1 and stimulus 2, both of which are so discredited that
stimulus 3 will have to adopt a new name. Let’s call it the American
Jobs Act.
With a prime-time
speech, Obama argued in favor of this program with some of the most
asinine economic analysis I’ve ever heard. He mused about how is
it that people are unemployed at a time when schools, bridges, and
infrastructure need repairing. He ordered that supply and demand
come together to match up needed work with jobs.
Hello? The
schools, bridges, and infrastructure that Obama refers to are all
built and maintained by the State. That’s why they are falling apart.
And people don’t have jobs because the State has made it too expensive
to hire them. It’s not complicated. To sit around and dream of other
scenarios is no different from wishing that water flowed uphill
or that rocks would float in the air. It amounts to a denial of
reality.
Still, Obama
went on, invoking the old fascistic longing for national greatness.
"Building a world-class transportation system," he said,
"is part of what made us an economic superpower." Then
he asked: "We’re going to sit back and watch China build newer
airports and faster railroads?"
Well, the answer
to that question is yes. And you know what? It doesn’t hurt a single
American for a person in China to travel on a faster railroad than
we do. To claim otherwise is an incitement to nationalist hysteria.
As for the
rest of this program, Obama promised yet another long list of spending
projects. Let’s just mention the reality: No government in the history
of the world has spent as much, borrowed as much, and created as
much fake money as the US. If the US doesn’t qualify as a fascist
State in this sense, no government ever has.
None of this
would be possible but for the role of the Federal Reserve, the great
lender to the world. This institution is absolutely critical to
US fiscal policy. There is no way that the national debt could increase
at a rate of $4 billion per day without this institution.
Under a gold
standard, all of this maniacal spending would come to an end. And
if US debt were priced on the market with a default premium, we
would be looking at a rating far less than A+.
Point
7. Militarism is a mainstay of government spending.
Have you ever
noticed that the military budget is never seriously discussed in
policy debates? The US spends more than most of the rest of the
world combined.
And yet to
hear our leaders talk, the US is just a tiny commercial republic
that wants peace but is constantly under threat from the world.
They would have us believe that we all stand naked and vulnerable.
The whole thing is a ghastly lie. The US is a global military empire
and the main threat to peace around the world today.
To visualize
US military spending as compared with other countries is truly shocking.
One bar chart you can easily look up shows the US trillion-dollar-plus
military budget as a skyscraper surrounded by tiny huts. As for
the next highest spender, China spends 1/10th as much as the US.
Where is the
debate about this policy? Where is the discussion? It is not going
on. It is just assumed by both parties that it is essential for
the US way of life that the US be the most deadly country on the
planet, threatening everyone with nuclear extinction unless they
obey. This should be considered a fiscal and moral outrage by every
civilized person.
This isn’t
only about the armed services, the military contractors, the CIA
death squads. It is also about how police at all levels have taken
on military-like postures. This goes for the local police, State
police, and even the crossing guards in our communities. The commissar
mentality, the trigger-happy thuggishness, has become the norm throughout
the whole of society.
If you want
to witness outrages, it is not hard. Try coming into this country
from Canada or Mexico. See the bullet-proof-vest wearing, heavily
armed, jackbooted thugs running dogs up and down car lanes, searching
people randomly, harassing innocents, asking rude and intrusive
questions.
You get the
strong impression that you are entering a police State. That impression
would be correct.
Yet for the
man on the street, the answer to all social problems seems to be
more jails, longer terms, more enforcement, more arbitrary power,
more crackdowns, more capital punishments, more authority. Where
does all of this end? And will the end come before we realize what
has happened to our once-free country?
Point
8. Military spending has imperialist aims.
Ronald Reagan
used to claim that his military buildup was essential to keeping
the peace. The history of US foreign policy just since the 1980s
has shown that this is wrong. We’ve had one war after another, wars
waged by the US against non-compliant countries, and the creation
of even more client states and colonies.
US military
strength has not led to peace, but the opposite. It has caused most
people in the world to regard the US as a threat, and it has led
to unconscionable wars on many countries. Wars of aggression were
defined at Nuremberg as crimes against humanity.
Obama was supposed
to end this. He never promised to do so. But his supporters all
believed that he would. Instead, he has done the opposite. He has
increased troop levels, entrenched wars, and started new ones. In
reality, he has presided over a warfare State just as vicious as
any in history. The difference this time is that the left is no
longer criticizing the US role in the world. In that sense, Obama
is the best thing to ever happen to the warmongers and the military-industrial
complex.
As for the
right in this country, it once opposed this kind of military fascism.
But all that changed after the beginning of the Cold War. The right
was led into a terrible ideological shift, well documented in Murray
Rothbard’s neglected masterpiece The
Betrayal of the American Right. In the name of stopping
communism, the right came to follow ex-CIA agent Bill Buckley’s
endorsement of a totalitarian bureaucracy at home to fight wars
all over the world.
At the end
of the Cold War, there was a brief reprise when the right in this
country remembered its roots in non-interventionism. But this did
not last long. George Bush the First rekindled the militarist spirit
with the first war on Iraq, and there has been no fundamental questioning
of the American empire ever since. Even today, Republicans except,
again, Ron Paul elicit their biggest applause by whipping up audiences
about foreign threats, while never mentioning that the real threat
to American well-being exists in the Beltway.
The
Future
I can think
of no greater priority today than a serious and effective antifascist
alliance. In many ways, one is already forming. It is not a formal
alliance. It is made up of those who protest the Fed, those who
refuse to go along with mainstream fascist politics, those who seek
decentralization, those who demand lower taxes and free trade, those
who seek the right to associate with anyone they want and buy and
sell on terms of their own choosing, those who insist they can educate
their children on their own, the investors and savers who make economic
growth possible, those who do not want to be felt up at airports,
and those who have become expatriates.
It is also
made of the millions of independent entrepreneurs who are discovering
that the number one threat to their ability to serve others through
the commercial marketplace is the institution that claims to be
our biggest benefactor: the government.
How many people
fall into this category? It is more than we know. The movement is
intellectual. It is political. It is cultural. It is technological.
They come from all classes, races, countries, and professions. This
is no longer a national movement. It is truly global.
We can no longer
predict whether members consider themselves to be left wing, right
wing, independent, libertarian, anarchist, or something else. It
includes those as diverse as home-schooling parents in the suburbs
as well as parents in urban areas whose children are among the 2.3
million people who languish in jail for no good reason in a country
with the largest prison population in the world.
And what does
this movement want? Nothing more or less than sweet liberty. It
does not ask that the liberty be granted or given. It only asks
for the liberty that is promised by life itself and would otherwise
exist were it not for the leviathan State that robs us, badgers
us, jails us, kills us.
This movement
is not departing. We are daily surrounded by evidence that it is
right and true. Every day, it is more and more obvious that the
State contributes absolutely nothing to our well-being, but massively
subtracts from it.
Back in the
1930s, and even up through the 1980s, the partisans of the State
were overflowing with ideas. They had theories and agendas that
had many intellectual backers. They were thrilled and excited about
the world they would create. They would end business cycles, bring
about social advance, build the middle class, cure disease, bring
about universal security, and much more. Fascism believed in itself.
This is no
longer true. Fascism has no new ideas, no big projects, and not
even its partisans really believe it can accomplish what it sets
out to do. The world created by the private sector is so much more
useful and beautiful than anything the State has done that the fascists
have themselves become demoralized and aware that their agenda has
no real intellectual foundation.
It is ever
more widely known that statism does not and cannot work. Statism
is the great lie. Statism gives us the exact opposite of its promise.
It promised security, prosperity, and peace; it has given us fear,
poverty, war, and death. If we want a future, it is one that we
have to build ourselves. The fascist State will not give it to us;
on the contrary, it stands in the way.
It also seems
to me that the old-time romance of the classical liberals with the
idea of the limited State is gone. It is far more likely today that
young people embrace an idea that fifty years ago was thought to
be the unthinkable thought: the idea that society is best off without
any State at all.
I would mark
the rise of anarcho-capitalist theory as the most dramatic intellectual
shift in my adult lifetime. Gone is that view of the State as the
night watchman that would only guard essential rights, adjudicate
disputes, and protect liberty.
This view is
woefully naive. The night watchman is the guy with the guns, the
legal right to use aggression, the guy who controls all comings
and goings, the guy who is perched on top and sees all things. Who
is watching him? Who is limiting his power? No one, and this is
precisely why he is the very source of society’s greatest ills.
No constitution, no election, no social contract will check his
power.
Indeed, the
night watchman has acquired total power. It is he who would be the
total State, which Flynn describes as a government that "possesses
the power to enact any law or take any measure that seems proper
to it." So long as a government, he says, "is clothed
with the power to do anything without any limitation on its powers,
it is totalitarian. It has total power."
It is no longer
a point that we can ignore. The night watchman must be removed and
his powers distributed within and among the whole population, and
they should be governed by the same forces that bring us all the
blessings the material world affords us.
In the end,
this is the choice we face: the total State or total freedom. Which
will we choose? If we choose the State, we will continue to sink
further and further and eventually lose all that we treasure as
a civilization. If we choose freedom, we can harness that remarkable
power of human cooperation that will enable us to continue to make
a better world.
In the fight
against fascism, there is no reason to be despairing but rather
to continue to fight with every bit of confidence that the future
belongs to us and not them.
Their world
is falling apart. Ours is just being built.
Their world
is based on bankrupt ideologies. Ours is rooted in the truth about
freedom and reality.
Their world
can only look back to the glory days. Ours looks forward to the
future we are building for ourselves.
Their
world is rooted in the corpse of the nation-state. Our world draws
on the energies and creativity of all peoples in the world, united
in the great and noble project of creating a prospering civilization
through peaceful human cooperation.
It’s true that
they have the biggest guns. But big guns have not assured permanent
victory in Iraq or Afghanistan, or any other place on the planet.
We possess
the only weapon that is truly immortal: the right idea. It is this
that will lead to victory.
As Mises said:
"In the long run even the most despotic governments with all their
brutality and cruelty are no match for ideas. Eventually the ideology
that has won the support of the majority will prevail and cut the
ground from under the tyrant's feet. Then the oppressed many will
rise in rebellion and overthrow their masters."
October
6, 2011
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail], former editorial assistant to Ludwig von Mises and congressional
chief of staff to Ron Paul, is founder and chairman of the Mises
Institute, executor for the estate of Murray N. Rothbard, and
editor of LewRockwell.com.
See his
books.
Copyright
© 2011 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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