Forty
years ago, my father wagered that he and Jimmy Breslin, two non-professional
politicians, were better suited to save New York City than any
career pol on the scene. So with Mailer for mayor and Breslin
for city council president, they squared off in the 1969 Democratic
primary against four standard-issue liberals. (Pop quipped of
one, I cant get a grasp on a mind this small.
His campaign manager, Joe Flaherty, called another eternally
starched and dismissed a third as a municipal Lazarus.)
Echoing the student slogan raised during the Columbia University
crisis of the previous year, No more bulls--t, they
ran to rescue a spiritless city turned into a legislative
pail of dismembered organs.
Something
vital had been lost along the way a sense of place, of
verve and nerve and wit. They were out to get it back, niceties
of the political game be damned.
Their vision
was as bold as their odds were long 20-to-1 by my fathers
estimate. But if New Yorkers took the bet, the shock to the system
would provide enough momentum to make New York City the 51st state.
Freed from its marriage of misery, incompatibility, and
abominable old quarrels with the remainder of New York state,
the city would reap a windfall of money and liberty sufficient
to save it.
Pop figured,
The startled legislators of Albany and Washington would
be face to face with a mighty fact: the bitterest and most apathetic
and disillusioned electorate in the United States had spoken in
a thunderous affirmation they wanted Statehood for themselves.
He foresaw the city, its independence secured, splintering into
townships and neighborhoods, with their own school systems, police
departments, housing programs, and governing philosophies. In
some areas, church attendance might be obligatory, in others free
love mandatory. People in New York would begin to discover
neighborhoods of the left, the right, and the spectrum of the
center which reflected some of their own passions and desires
and programs for local government, he wrote. One way or
another, the city would come apart.
Gloria Steinem,
Jack Newfield, and Noel Parmentel pitched the idea to him, guaranteeing
its cross-partisan pedigree from the start. Murray Rothbard called
it the most refreshing libertarian political campaign in
decades. He believed that smashing the urban government
apparatus and fragmenting it into a myriad of constituent fragments
offered the only answer to the ills plaguing American cities and
bestowed The Libertarian Forums first political endorsement.
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