Chief Justice Roberts, Economic Fascist
by
Gary North
Tea Party Economist
Recently
by Gary North: Nora
Ephron, RIP
On July 2, 1776, Congress voted for the Declaration of Independence.
Most of the members signed it on July 4, although more signed over
the next month.
The problem
was this: a declaration of independence from King George III (and
from Parliament, which was really the source of bureaucratic meddling
and taxation of a staggering 1% of GDP), was that it led within
six years to massive debt, hyperinflation, and increased taxation.
After 1788, it led to more of the same. It has finally led to Nancy
Pelosi's ideological agent on the bench, John Roberts.
In upholding
Obamacare, which is in fact Pelosicare, Chief Justice Roberts wrote
the majority opinion. He indulged in some lawyer-like deception,
as lawyers are paid to do. The law specifically says that the mandatory
payment for not buying insurance is a penalty, not a tax. He determined that this
penalty would be unconstitutional if it were a penalty (commerce
clause), so, lo and behold, it's a tax!
This is all
nonsense, of course. The government has regulated lots of things
under the commerce clause, telling people what they must do, can
do, and cannot do. If the Supreme Court gives any regulation a thumbs-up,
the regulation continues. No single case is going to reverse the
federal bureaucracy from pursuing its agenda under the commerce
clause.
One man's opinion
on what the commerce clause means is merely his opinion. This opinion
does not bind the federal bureaucracy or any future Court decision.
It just gave Roberts a way to justify his theory of the legality
of unlimited federal taxation, now to be collected as fines for
not buying health insurance.
He argued that
the government can now force residents and citizens of the United
States to buy health care insurance that they do not want, or else
face a government-imposed fine for not buying it. He called this
a tax. The majority five accepted this.
To the extent
that his opinion has established a precedent, Roberts has at
long last legalized open economic fascism to America. Of course,
it has been alive and well ever since the New Deal, and really since
the First Bank of the United States (1791 to 1811). But now it has
been placed under the judicial umbrella of a Supreme Court decision.
Economic fascism
is the doctrine that there is a government-business alliance
that makes the nation wealthy or strong militarily. This idea has
never had a judicial basis before. Now it does.
A tax in America
prior to last week was a payment by the citizen or legal entity
to an agency of civil government. Not so in the new, improved American
fascism, as articulated by Chief Justice Roberts. In fascism,
a compulsory payment to a private, profit-seeking entity is considered
a tax. You can pay it to an insurance company, or you can pay
a fine to the federal government. Take your pick. They are both
taxes.
CENTRAL
BANKING
The first fascist
agency in post-Constitution history was the First Bank of the United
States. It went out of existence in 1811. The Second Bank of the
United States created a replacement: 1816 to 1836.
In the historic
case, McCulloch
v. Maryland, Chief Justice John Marshall announced that
"the power to tax is the power to destroy." He got the phrase from
the attorneys who argued the case. It was not original with him.
Conservatives love to quote that phrase. Conservatives are blind.
Marshall used this doctrine to keep Maryland from levying a tax
on a private entity: the Second Bank of the United States. In striking
down this state tax, Marshall established the legality of economic
fascism in America: the government-business alliance.
Maryland correctly
argued that Congress did not have the right to delegate sovereignty
to a private agency. This was the judicial heart of the matter.
But Daniel Webster, who was the Bank's legal counsel, argued that
Congress did have this right. Marshall sided with Webster.
The argument
of Maryland is never discussed in the textbooks. This is one of
those crucial facts in history that has gone down Orwell's memory
hole. Marshall's creation of tax immunity for the Bank established
the central legal principle of central banking. This is the cornerstone
of the Federal Reserve System. It is sacrosanct. This is why any
reference to Maryland's case against the Bank is not discussed.
The textbooks discuss Marshall's principle as if the Bank's position
as a private agency under the government's legal umbrella were somehow
constitutional. It is constitutional only because Marshall steadfastly
refused even to reply to the central argument of the state of Maryland.
Wikipedia provides
the textbook version of the significance of this case.
This
fundamental case established the following two principles:
The Constitution
grants to Congress implied powers for implementing the Constitution's
express powers, in order to create a functional national government.
State action
may not impede valid constitutional exercises of power by the
Federal government.
Marshall's
verbal smokescreen worked. In fact, the decision established this
principle above all: A privately owned central bank that is functionally
independent of Congress possesses the legal characteristic of federal
sovereignty, and is therefore immune from regulation by any lower
jurisdiction.
This is never
discussed. This is why it is so difficult to find the text of the
opposing attorneys. Before the Internet, is was almost impossible.
We never saw an extract from Maryland's argument. We never saw even
a summary: the issue of delegated sovereignty to a private entity.
I
have provided extracts from Maryland's presentation here.
That decision
handed over the nation to private central planners. The central
bank has the power over the central institution of the free market:
money. Marshall gave America economic fascism at the center of the
economy: money. Jackson and Congress removed it. He let the Second
Bank's charter lapse in 1836. (Note: the following year, 1837, was
the only year in U.S. history in which the U.S. government had no
debt.)
Woodrow Wilson
reimposed the system, under which we live.
Marshall's
opinion stuck.
ROBERTS'
OPINION
If Roberts'
opinion sticks, the national fascist state has its marching orders.
The central
government in Washington now has the power to compel Americans to
pay private companies for services they do not want, on penalty
of a fine. But this fine is now called a tax.
I have read
a conservative's whitewash of this monstrous decision. The writer
says this was a ruling of great
cunning. It was, indeed. This is one more example of terminally
naive conservatives who dream that the American fascist state can
be reversed on a legal technicality. Not now. Not if Roberts' argument
sticks.
Roberts has
enunciated as a principle of law the fundamental principle of
the fascist economy: there is a legitimate government-business
alliance, established by law, which places government over the private,
profit-seeking business, and the business in return is granted some
of the immunities possessed by the state. It means that a business
can make you an offer you can't refuse. This principle is now the
law of the land.
Americans must
now pay insurance companies their pound of flesh or else pay a fine
to the federal government. This fine is called a tax by Roberts.
Watch premiums
rise!
ECONOMIC
FASCISM: INDIRECT AND DIRECT
In 1819, the
attorney for the state of Maryland argued against the chartering
of a profit-seeking central bank is the name of the power to tax
or in the name of the commerce clause. His words seem prophetic.
He asked the right questions. John Marshall rejected the obvious
answer: "no." He said "yes." He upheld the Second Bank of the United
States. We would be wise to understand the issues raised by the
losers.
But
we contend, that the government of the United States must confine
themselves, in the collection and expenditure of revenue, to the
means which are specifically enumerated in the constitution, or
such auxiliary means as are naturally connected with the specific
means.
But what
natural connection is there between the collection of taxes, and
the incorporation of a company of bankers? Can it possibly be
said, that because congress is invested with the power of raising
and supporting armies, that it may give a charter of monopoly
to a trading corporation, as a bounty for enlisting men? Or that,
under its more analogous power of regulating commerce, it may
establish an East or a West India company, with the exclusive
privilege of trading with those parts of the world? Can it establish
a corporation of farmers of the revenue, or burden the internal
industry of the states with vexatious monopolies of their staple
productions?
Justice
Roberts also said "yes" not on the commerce clause, but on
taxes. The power to tax is the power to destroy. It is also the
power to force Americans to pay for insurance they do not want to
fund high-risk participants in the program.
In 1819, American
economic fascism was indirect and limited to central banking: a
prohibition against a state tax on a privately owned, federally
chartered agency. This indirectly subsidized a private corporation.
Under Roberts' economic fascism, Americans will be taxed by the
government unless they do business with privately owned agencies.
This indirectly subsidizes private insurance agencies.
CONCLUSION
Economically,
nothing has changed. It's the same old system. What
makes this new variant new is that it is judicially protected under
the taxation clause rather than the commerce clause.
It's like dog
turds or cat turds. Take your pick.
July
2, 2012
Gary
North [send him mail]
is the author of Mises
on Money. Visit http://www.garynorth.com.
He is also the author of a free 20-volume series, An
Economic Commentary on the Bible.
Copyright ©
2012 Gary North
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