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Turkey Totally Loses Its Cool Over Syria
by
Eric Margolis
Recently
by Eric Margolis: Hell
Week in New York
Play with fire,
and you will get burned. A mortar shell fired from Syria by either
government troops or rebels as a provocation killed five Turkish
villagers on the border. Turkish heavy artillery riposted, killing
Syrian soldiers. Turkey's parliament authorized military action
against Syria. One could almost hear the thunder of the great Ottoman
war drums that heralded the arrival of the sultan's armies and his
fierce Janissary warriors.
Turkey's leader,
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has done so brilliantly for
the past decade that it was probably inevitable he would finally
make a really big mistake. He did. It's called Syria.
Erdogan and
his clever foreign affairs minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, crafted and
implemented a very successful foreign policy after coming to power,
known as "no problems,"which forged fruitful relations
with all of Turkey's neighbors – Israel excepted.
Hard as it
is to imagine today, only a year ago Turkey was being hailed as
the new leader of the Arab world (Turks and Arabs are of different
ethnicity and culture). Until the Erdogan era, many Arabs still
mistrusted or disliked Turkey, legacy of the defunct Ottoman Empire.
After standing up to Israel and taming his generals, Erdogan became
the most popular leader in the Mideast and a role model for democratic
good governance.
Before Erdogan
and his AK Party forced Turkey's bullying military back to its barracks,
Turkish foreign policy had reflected America's regional animosities:
Ankara was at scimitar's drawn with Syria, Iran, the Palestinians
and Hezbollah. By contrast, Turkey's generals were hand in glove
with Israel's military establishment. The US Pentagon often seemed
to have more influence over Turkey's powerful armed forces than
its weak prime ministers.
Turkey's neighborly
love-fest ended soon after Syria erupted in civil war. For reasons
that still remain murky, Erdogan dropped his "love-thy-neighbor"policy
and began actively supporting Syria's insurgents.
Until the Syrian
uprising, Turkey had enjoyed good trade and political relations
with Damascus. Syria had more or less dropped its claims to Turkish-ruled
Hatay province, and told its Kurdish minority not to make trouble
for the Turks. Hatay, and its strategic port of Iskenderun, were
part of historic Syria (as was Lebanon and Palestine), but passed
with French help to Turkish rule in the last century. If relations
between Ankara and Damascus continue to worsen, this thorny issue
may again heat up.
Turkey blundered
into Syria's civil war soon after it erupted in March, 2011. Ankara
allowed Syrian insurgent groups, funded and armed by Saudi Arabia,
France, Britain, the US and Qatar, to operate from its soil. CIA
established an important logistics and communications base for the
insurgents at the US air base at Incirlik, Turkey. US, British and
French special forces based in Turkey discreetly joined in the war
to overthrow the Assad regime in Damascus – all part of Washington's
undeclared but very real and intensifying multi-dimensional war
against Iran, Syria's closest ally.
Each passing
day of Syria's brutal civil war raises the risk that Turkey will
send its armed forces into Syria, either to create so-called "civilian
corridors"or no-fly zones to ground the Assad regime's air
force. All-out NATO intervention led by the US could occur after
American presidential elections.
Meanwhile,
the besieged Assad regime in Damascus has lost control of a northern
border region inhabited by 2 million ethnic Kurds who have become
autonomous. Ankara, which faces a virtual independent Kurdish state
in northern Iraq and its own long-simmering uprising by its Kurdish
minority, is deeply alarmed by the specter of Kurdish nationalism.
The war in
Syria has accentuated Turkey's serious Kurdish problem. This writer
covered the Turkish – Kurdish conflict in eastern Anatolia a decade
ago, in which over 40,000 had died by 1992 alone. Turkey thought
it had put an end to the Kurdish PKK insurgency by capturing its
leader, Abdullah Ocalan, in 1999. The PKK's main base was in Syria.
Ocalan remains
in prison. But the Kurdish independence movement has sprung again
to life. Syria will very likely resume aiding Kurdish PKK fighters
to exact revenge on Turkey for abetting anti-regime guerillas. This
is a huge problem for Turkey as Kurds make up 15-20% of its population.
By fueling
Syria's civil war, Erdogan has kicked the Kurdish hornet's nest.
The conflict
in Syria is pitting its minority Alawites (an offshoot of Shia Islam),
who dominate the Assad regime, against the long-repressed Sunni
majority. As Syria's Alawites fight for what some believe is their
lives, their struggle is reverberating in Lebanon, where Shiites
make up the largest religious community. Turkey's long-marginalized
Alevis, who are another distant offshoot of Shia Islam and close
to Syria's Alawis, and who are looked down on by the Sunni majority
as heretics, are also feeling the reverberations of the Syrian conflict.
Alevis may make up as much as 15% of Turkey's population of some
74 million.
Recent revelations
of a massacre of Alevis in 1938 at the end of the era of Turkish
strongman Ataturk has inflamed Alevi emotions in Turkey and deepened
their sense of persecution and historic injustice.
So the Syrian
conflict is reopening some of the deep fissures in Turkey's body
politics just at a time when its zesty economy was enjoying a 7%
growth rate – not far from China's – and Turkey had become the Mideast's
cock of the walk.
Now, Syria
bodes ill for all involved.
Syria
may be headed for the same kind of vicious, enduring civil war that
cursed Lebanon from 1975-1990. Syria's various ethnic/religious
groups have too much to lose, too many scores to settle, and nowhere
to retreat. Into this maelstrom is charging PM Erdogan. Syria could
very well prove a curse for Turkey and a drain on its resources.
Interestingly,
polls show a majority of Turks oppose Erdogan's Syria interventionist
policies as dangerous and unnecessary. Foes on the left accuse Erdogan
of restoring Turkey's Cold War role as America's policeman in the
Mideast. Others see a secret plan by Ankara to restore Ottoman-era
rule over Syria. France is also stirring the pot in Syria, eager
to reassert its former influence in the Levant. America wants to
stick its finger in Iran's eye. The British are there to pick up
the crumbs.
"Nothing
good from Syria,"runs an old Roman military saying. PM Erdogan
would do well to heed this maxim. Turkey should be working to forge
a peaceful settlement of the civil war an halt growing foreign meddling
in this gruesome conflict. Now is not the time for a recrudescence
of Ottoman empire-building.
October
8, 2012
Eric
Margolis [send
him mail] is the author of War
at the Top of the World and the new book, American
Raj: Liberation or Domination?: Resolving the Conflict Between the
West and the Muslim World. See his
website.
Copyright
© 2012 Eric Margolis
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