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The
War on Drugs Is a War on Freedom
by
David Gordon
Recently
by David Gordon: Father
James A. Sadowsky, S.J., R.I.P.
The
War on Drugs Is a War on Freedom By Laurence M.
Vance Vance Publications, 2012 Xvi + 103 pages
The efforts,
spurred by Mayor Bloomberg, to ban large cans of drinks deemed
too sugary have been much in the news lately; and a peculiar point
in the mayor's defense of this measure is highly relevant to Laurence
Vance's excellent book. What struck me as odd in the mayor's comments
was that he confined his defense to pointing out the dangers to
health posed by the drinks he wished to ban, along with the attendant
monetary costs that illnesses that resulted from consuming these
drinks might impose.
It never
seemed to occur to Mayor Bloomberg that whether an individual
decides to consume a harmful substance ought not to come under
governmental supervision. The decision is the person's alone to
make. What was odd about the mayor's comments was not so much
that he rejected this view, but rather that he did not deem it
worthy of mention. State paternalism for him required no defense.
As Vance reminds
us, it is not only libertarians who reject paternalism. To the contrary,
the view that the state can address only acts directed against others,
not ones that affect immediately just an individual himself, is
integral to the classical-liberal tradition. It received its canonical
statement from John Stuart Mill:
The
only freedom which deserves the name is that of pursuing our own
good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others
of theirs, or impede their efforts to attain it. Each is the guardian
of his own health, whether bodily, or mental and spiritual. Mankind
are greater gainers by suffering each other to live as seems good
to themselves, than by compelling each to live as seems good to
the rest. (p. 13, quoting Mill)
Mises applied
Mill's principle to the subject of Vance's book, drug regulation,
in characteristically incisive fashion. To allow regulation of dangerous
drugs opens the door to attacks on freedom of speech and of the
press:
Opium
and morphine are certainly dangerous, habit-forming drugs. But
once the principle is admitted that it is the duty of the government
to protect the individual against his own foolishness, no serious
objections can be advanced against further encroachments.
And why limit the government's benevolent providence to the protection
of the individual's body only? Is not the harm a man can inflict
on his mind and soul even more disastrous than any bodily evils?
Why not prevent him from reading bad books and seeing bad plays,
from looking at bad paintings and statues and from hearing bad
music? (p. 24, quoting
Mises)
For Vance,
the fundamental issue in drug regulation is individual rights.
He does not at all deny that these drugs can cause great harm;
but the issue of regulation is not to be settled by balancing
the benefits and harms of open access to drugs against the benefits
and harms of their regulation or prohibition.
Practical
and utilitarian arguments against the drug war are important,
but not as important as the moral argument for the freedom to
use or abuse drugs for freedom's sake. The moral case for drug
freedom is simply the case for freedom. Freedom to use one's property
as one sees fit. Freedom to enjoy the fruits of one's labor in
whatever way one deems appropriate. Freedom to use one's body
in the manner of one's choosing. Freedom to follow one's own moral
code. Freedom from being taxed to fund government tyranny. Freedom
from government intrusion into one's personal life. Freedom to
be left alone. (pp. 1213)
This passage
illustrates Vance's force and eloquence, often based, as here,
on the repetition of a key phrase.
If consequences
are for Vance not the most important consideration in morality,
they nevertheless matter. (By the way, it's a common misconception
that supporters of a rights-based morality ignore consequences
and that for them these carry no moral weight. To the contrary,
almost all supporters of moral rights think that consequences
are also morally important. I think that Vance ought not to have
contrasted "moral" with "practical and utilitarian"
considerations. Both rights and consequences are parts of morality.)
Much of the book consists of a concise yet comprehensive account
of the bad effects of drug regulation. The war on drugs has led
to the highest prison population of any country in the world.
The
United States leads the world in the incarceration rate and in
the total prison population.
Almost twenty percent of the
state prison population are incarcerated because of drug charges.
Almost half of the federal prison population are incarcerated
because of drug charges. There are almost 350,000 Americans in
state or federal prison at this moment [November 2011] because
of drug charges. (p. 71)
The drug
war has had manifold invidious effects on civil liberties.
The
war on drugs has destroyed financial privacy. Deposit more than
$10,000 in a bank account and you are a suspected drug trafficker.
The war on drugs has provided the rationale for militarizing local
police departments.
The war on drugs has resulted in outrageous
behavior by police in their quest to arrest drug dealers.
The war on drugs has eviscerated the Fourth Amendment's prohibition
against unreasonable searches and seizures. (pp. 578)
In its deleterious
effects on freedom, the drug war recalls the worst excesses of
Prohibition. For these, the short contemporary account of the
revisionist historian Harry Elmer Barnes, Prohibition
Versus Civilization: Analyzing the Dry Psychosis (Viking
Press, 1932) is well worth seeking out and reading.
These immense
costs have not brought with them extensive good results. To the
contrary, the drug war has been a manifest failure. "In spite
of decades of prohibition laws, threats of fines and/or imprisonments,
and massive propaganda campaigns, drugs are available and affordable"
(p. 26).
Vance, it
is apparent, has launched a remarkable war of his own, conducted
with superb generalship, against the drug war; and one of the
arguments in his campaign strikes me as an especially effective
one. The harms of tobacco and alcohol vastly exceed the ill effects
of dangerous drugs, yet there is no call to ban them. Prohibition
is recognized by nearly everyone as a failure, not to be repeated.
If this is so, how can one justify banning less dangerous substances?
Alcohol
abuse and heavy tobacco use are two of the leading causes of death
in the United States. It seems rather ludicrous to advocate the
outlawing of drugs and not the outlawing of alcohol and tobacco.
(p. 11)
Vance writes
from a viewpoint that will surprise many readers. He himself does
not condone the use of dangerous drugs. To the contrary, he is
a Christian and a Bible scholar of considerable note and he regards
their use as sinful. "As an adherent to the ethical principles
of the New Testament, I regard drug abuse to be a vice, a sin,
and an evil that Christians should avoid even as they avoid supporting
the government's war on drugs" (p. 79).
If Vance
takes this view of drug use, why is he so adamant that people
have the right to consume these drugs? His answer will be of interest
to all students of moral theology. He holds that Christians can
with perfect consistency uphold the distinction between vices
and crimes, with only the latter an appropriate area for forcible
suppression.
No
Christian would be in favor of criminalizing all sins. Not when
the Bible says that "the thought of foolishness is sin"
(Proverbs 24:9). Why, then, are some Christians so quick to applaud
making some sins criminal just because the state happens to select
them and not others? (p. 84)
Vance's admirable
remarks on this topic will I suspect be of great interest even
to those who do not share his faith.
The War
on Drugs Is a War on Freedom is an outstanding contribution
to the contemporary battle for liberty. It has the potential to
do great good, and Vance deserves high praise for his magnificent
work.
Copyright
© 2012 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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