Last
Recourse of Failed Presidents
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
Recently
by Patrick J. Buchanan: The
'Large Purpose' of Romney-Ryan
Both the 20th
and 21st centuries have seen failed presidencies.
William Howard
Taft lost in 1912, though he might have retained office had not
his old friend and former leader Theodore Roosevelt run as a third
party Bull Moose candidate and won more votes than Taft.
Herbert Hoover
failed through no fault of his own. The Crash of 1929 and the Great
Depression were beyond his control, and every remedy he tried failed
adequately to work.
Had the popular
Cal Coolidge sought a second full term in 1928 instead of declaring,
"I do not choose to run," he would have been in the White House
when the crash came and cast by history in the role assigned to
Hoover.
But, as one
wag said, Silent Cal's career seems to have been a product of repeated
celestial interventions.
By 1952, Harry
Truman was a failed president. His approval rating was below 25
percent. Chiang Kai-shek's China had fallen to communism. Josef
Stalin had stolen the secret of the atom bomb through espionage
against the United States. Truman had fired Gen. Douglas MacArthur
and was in the third year of a Korean War he could neither win nor
end.
The administration
had been exposed as shot through with corruption and treason in
the persons of Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White and the Rosenberg
atomic spy ring, among others.
Rejected in
New Hampshire, Harry wisely chose to pack it in.
Lyndon Johnson,
his 44-state landslide in 1964 and Great Society notwithstanding,
was by 1968 a failed president being repudiated in the primaries
of his own party.
Truman and
Johnson quit rather than run again and risk defeat.
But Jimmy Carter,
whose poll numbers fell as low as Truman's and who was widely seen
as a failed president, chose to fight Teddy Kennedy in the primaries
and Ronald Reagan in the general election.
Carter had
one signal achievement: the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty.
But by 1980,
he was presiding over an economy with 21 percent interest rates,
13 percent inflation and zero growth. The Soviet Empire had annexed
Afghanistan and was on the move in Africa, the Caribbean and Central
America. Iran had fallen to the mullahs. Fifty American embassy
personnel were being held hostage in Tehran.
What makes
that 1980 election relevant is that it was the last national election
and the only postwar election where a Democratic president widely
perceived to have failed chose to run for re-election.
And what strategy
did the Carter campaign adopt?
They sought
to demonize Reagan as a tool of the rich, a cold-hearted wretch
who would savage the safety net, a crazed anti-communist Cold Warrior
whom it would be dangerous to entrust with nuclear weapons. Ronald
Reagan was Barry Goldwater redux.
Yet, looking
back, what else could Carter do? Looking forward, what else can
Barack Obama do?
By 1984, Reagan
could credibly run for re-election on the slogan, "Stay the Course."
Let us continue on this path that is leading us to the sunny uplands
of a new prosperity and a stronger, more respected America.
Carter could
not do that in 1980. Hoover could not do that in 1932. And Obama
cannot do that today.
With the nation
believing Carter had failed by the fall of 1980, and prepared to
remove and replace him, Carter had one lane left to victory. He
and the liberal media had to define Reagan for the electorate as
an uncaring extremist and dangerous man.
Lest we forget,
this Carter strategy was working.
Not until the
late debate with Carter did the electorate take a closer look at
Reagan and decide that this genial, principled conservative was
no threat, but an acceptable alternative and far preferable to four
more years of Carter.
After that
debate, the undecideds came down hard for Reagan, millions of Democrats
switched to him, and he buried Carter.
Again, that
election is relevant because it is the election most similar to
this one. We have a Democratic president who has presided over a
huge loss of jobs, four straight trillion-dollar deficits and 42
months of unemployment over 8 percent. With Obama's approval in
the 40s, it is clear that America is ready for a change.
One difference
between 2012 and 1980? President Obama retains a reservoir of goodwill
President Carter never acquired.
If
this analysis is correct, the Democratic convention and the next
nine weeks will witness one sustained slander of Mitt Romney and
Paul Ryan as Ayn Randian agents of a plutocracy hell-bent on seeing
its taxes reduced and the tax cuts paid for by eviscerating programs
on which America's poor and the working and middle class depend
for survival.
The one sure
way Obama can win is to convince a nation ready for change – to
fear, loathe and recoil from the proposed agents of change.
Obama aides
and media auxiliary have already painted the Republican convention
in Tampa, Fla., as permeated with lies and dog whistles to racists.
Yet, one wonders:
After such a campaign, how does Obama unite and lead the country
should he win?
September
4, 2012
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and Churchill,
Hitler, and the Unnecessary War. His latest book is Suicide
of a Superpower: Will America Survive to 2025? See his
website.
Copyright
© 2012 Creators Syndicate
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