Free the Blago Six!
by
William L. Anderson
by
William L. Anderson
Recently by William L. Anderson: An
Open Letter to Sarah Palin
After Democrats
won control of Congress in 2006, they sent a word to firms and associations
which lobbied Congress that they needed to do two things. First,
these organizations needed to start sending campaign contributions
to Democrats instead of Republicans, and, second, they had to hire
Democratic lobbyists. Any organization that failed to follow those
two simple rules would find itself shut out of any discussions regarding
upcoming bills, which was a nice and clear threat that Congress
would loot them or even try to destroy them altogether.
I mention this
because there were no "We’re shocked, SHOCKED" editorials
in the New York Times or Washington Post. Common Cause,
which is trying to continue the old Progressive canard of "good
government," did not file suits or issue press releases. Most
important, no federal prosecutors filed criminal charges against
Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid, or Charles Schumer, accusing them of "depriving
the citizens of the United States of honest government."
Lest anyone
think I am being partisan, don’t forget that when the Republicans
controlled the Congress, they let companies and lobbying firms know
that there were certain rules to follow, to whom the financial contributions
must go, and who would benefit. Granted, the New York Times
and Washington Post were "shocked, SHOCKED" over
that set of facts, although it seems that even the Post decided
recently to get into the "pay to play" act, too.
The simple
fact that governments control the game when it comes to property
rights, regulation, and taxation means that politicians always will
hold a Sword of Damocles over the heads of productive people, and
they generally wield that sword viciously. When President Barack
Obama recently chided African heads of government for "skimming
20 percent from the top" of business investment, in their countries,
most people I know were stunned. I mean, when was the last time
government in the USA took anything close to as small an amount
as 20 percent? Would be that government took only 20 percent, given
the present realities of the rapacious state.
I use this
long introduction to point out that as long as politicians are properly
connected, then they can engage in government as usual without being
molested by federal prosecutors. However, should one fall from favor
or one is too successful for the mass of Salieris that inhabit
the bowels of government, then one is easily targeted. As Lavrentiy
Beria, Stalin’s head of security, once stated, "Show me the
man, and I will find you the crime," which seems to be the
motto of the United States Department of Justice.
U.S. Attorney
Patrick J. Fitzgerald, who last provided political theater in the
Scooter Libby case, claiming that he did not know who leaked Valerie
Plame’s name to the press when, in fact, he did, is in the news
again with the indictment
of former Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich. (It is OK for federal
prosecutors to openly make false statements, but if you are not
a U.S. attorney, I would advise you not to try this at home.)
Appealing to
the "good government" goo-goos in the press and elsewhere,
Fitzgerald first released portions of secretly taped conversations
of the governor in action, claiming that Blagojevich did things
of which Abraham Lincoln would have been ashamed. Thus, Fitzgerald
proved he was utterly ignorant of Lincoln’s record both as a legislator
and as President of the United States. It is one thing, however,
to be ignorant of history, as that is a common disease among government
officials and their media allies; it is quite another to demonstrate
ignorance of law itself, especially if one has the power to secure
indictments and put people on trial. It seems that Fitzgerald’s
dishonesty is not limited to his public statements, but also to
the indictments that he gains against others. Let me explain.
The case against
Blagojevich and five other people (including Blago’s brother, Robert),
centers around the nebulous and confusing charge of "honest
services fraud." According to federal law, people are entitled
to "honest" services from someone, but it is up to the
government to define what such a term means.
For example,
when Jack Abramoff was a lobbyist, his efforts saved his Indian
clients billions of dollars as he was able to head off Congressional
schemes to tax the casinos owned by his clients. His record of success
is clear, yet federal prosecutors forced him to plead guilty to
"bilking" his clients of millions in fees, despite the fact that
his fees were negotiated in the open and he did nothing that other
lobbyists (including the lobbyists now favored by the Democrats)
don't do every day.
Thus, Fitzgerald
can claim with a straight face that Blagojevich "and a circle
of his closest aides and advisors allegedly engaged in a wide-ranging
scheme to deprive the people of Illinois of honest government."
Furthermore, Fitzgerald and his staff redefine terms like "extortion."
For example,
when Blagojevich was governor, he was in negotiations with the Tribune
Company, which owns the Chicago Cubs and its famous Wrigley Field,
to provide state aid for the firm, which was experiencing financial
difficulties. However, the editorial staff was very critical of
Blago and often lambasted him on both the news and editorial pages
of the Chicago Tribune, and the then-governor demanded that
the editorial board be replaced before he sign off on sending aid
to the company.
Now, this certainly
does not make Blago look like a nice guy, but it hardly makes him
an extortionist. First, and most important, extortion as it has
been historically defined is the act of unlawfully obtaining "money,
property, or services" from other individuals or organizations
through coercion (according
to Wikipedia). Second, it is interesting how many favored groups
are permitted to threaten lawsuits against someone unless that person
or the organization pay up. (Environmental groups are well-known
for this, yet Congress has legalized it for certain favored constituencies.)
I can find
no instance in which Blago was threatening harm or demanding money
or even services via coercion. Instead, he, the government of Illinois,
and the Tribune Company were "conspiring" to take money
from taxpayers and give it to a media company that had made some
bad business moves. Note that the "aid" was not
illegal, but Blago’s "threat" was criminalized. This is
not extortion by any stretch of the imagination, and if one were
to apply the same standard to members of Congress and even the President
of the United States, one would have to construct a new set of prisons
to hold the new inmates.
Of course,
Fitzgerald, by charging Blago and the others under the "racketeering"
statutes, is demanding huge amounts of property and financial forfeiture
before trial. This is done in order to make it very difficult
for the defendants to pay for competent legal representation, and
it clearly goes against every sense of legal decency that used to
be part of the "justice" system before prosecutors were
able to completely control the process.
There is more
in Fitzgerald’s faux indictment. Witness the following passage:
The RICO
conspiracy count alleges that Blagojevich personally, the Office
of the Governor of Illinois and Friends of Blagojevich were associated
and, together, constituted the "Blagojevich Enterprise,"
whose primary purpose was to exercise and preserve power over
Illinois government for the financial and political benefit of
Blagojevich, both directly and through Friends of Blagojevich,
and for the financial benefit of his family members and associates.
Blagojevich and Kelly, the only RICO conspiracy defendants, allegedly
conspired with Monk, Cellini, Harris, Robert Blagojevich, Rezko
and previously convicted cooperating defendant Stuart Levine,
to conduct the Blagojevich Enterprise through a pattern of multiple
acts of mail and wire fraud, extortion, attempted extortion and
extortion conspiracy, and state bribery.
While this
sounds onerous, it describes absolutely nothing, at least when one
looks at criminal activity from an historical perspective. The secretly-taped
telephone calls found Blago telling someone that if a person wanted
the U.S. Senate seat, he or she would have to come up with future
financial favors for the governor and his family. Now, the "good-government"
types want us to believe that the mechanism of government is pristine
by nature and that people like Blago and those who "peddle
influence" ruin it.
Right. First,
in Blago’s defense, the guy was talking big, which is not unusual
when it comes to elected officials. Second, nothing specific was
laid out, no plans, no nothing. The guy simply was talking.
Third, when
we see "crimes" like "wire fraud" and "mail
fraud" thrown about, please remember that these are not real
"crimes" but simply are the acts of mailing a letter or
making a telephone call. The "fraud" statutes do not exist
to protect individuals; they exist solely to provide prosecutors
with leverage in pursuing criminal indictments. That is because
if a person is found guilty of one charge, then the other charges
automatically kick in, so there can be multiple crimes that are
derived from the same act. That is why Candice E. Jackson and I
have referred to them as "derivative
crimes" in many of our articles.
I add that
while these charges fall into the category of what the noted attorney
Harvey
Silverglate has called "giant garbage pails," they
do carry real-live penalties that could put these people into prison
for many years. Furthermore, given that Blago’s brother, Robert,
had a long career in business and was well-regarded before taking
a temporary job to head up Blago’s campaign fund, I doubt that the
man (or any of the others) were involved in any "wide-ranging
conspiracies" to do anything except get Blago elected, which
generally are what political campaigns are geared to do.
I now turn
to the behavior of Fitzgerald himself. Prosecutors and other "officers
of the court" are supposed to refrain from making public statements
that demonize defendants, make judgments about their guilt, or attack
other officers of the court. Michael B. Nifong, the infamous prosecutor
in the Duke Lacrosse Case, was disbarred by the North Carolina State
Bar in part because he made a number of inflammatory remarks against
the lacrosse players prior to obtaining indictments. (The Bar also
found him guilty of withholding evidence and lying to the court,
which is one of the few times in U.S. History that a prosecutor
has paid any price at all for breaking the law.)
Not only did
Fitzgerald make inflammatory statements, but he also selectively
released material that clearly made Blago look bad. (Notice that
U.S. attorneys don’t release information or transcripts of their
"negotiations" with defense attorneys when it comes to
making plea deals, nor do they ever release any transcripts of conversations
they have among themselves. This probably is smart, given the sorry
record of lies that is fundamental to the federal "justice"
system, something exposed
more than a decade ago by journalist Bill Moushey. Notice that
no U.S. attorney ever has been charged with "honest services
fraud," which is too bad, given that it is rare that people
receive any honest services at all from federal prosecutors.)
According
to the law, once Fitzgerald had openly declared Blago to be a criminal
suspect, he had 30 days in which to secure an indictment. One would
think that with this supposed "criminal" behavior that
he had "exposed," it would not be difficult getting a
grand jury to hand down indictments, but that was not the case.
No, even after
making inflammatory public statements and releasing selected information
to the media, Patrick J. Fitzgerald had to scrape and scrape to
find anything worthy of "indictment." It is instructive
that he decided to unleash the horrible RICO statutes and to reach
into the muck of "honest services fraud" to make his case.
Now, I would
like to say that the outright fraudulence of these charges would
be clearly seen by juries and judges, but think again. Federal juries
regularly convict people of nonsense charges and judges sign off
on abominations every day. Federal criminal courts are little more
than the playthings for U.S. attorneys, who I would say are pretty
much in the same category as the "prosecutors" who worked
for Stalin in his "show trial" heyday. Perhaps we should
not be surprised that federal criminal law has much more in common
with the old Soviet "law" and its "crimes of analogy"
than anything this country received in its English heritage.
So, I wish
Blago and the other defendants luck. Their "crime" was
not doing anything criminal; instead, their crime was not having
the name of Nancy Pelosi or Harry Reid. Because federal criminal
law is so expansive and pervasive, federal prosecutors are able
to pick their targets and selectively prosecute. If one thinks this
is tyranny, one is correct.
July
14, 2009
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute. He
also is a consultant with American Economic Services. Visit
his blog.
Copyright
© 2009 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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